Should We Feel Safe When Alleged Criminals Hold Public Offices in Bangladesh?
Many alleged perpetrators of political violence during the Hasina regime now hold public office—raising serious questions about security, accountability, and the future of Bangladesh.
যারা শিক্ষাজীবনে নির্যাতন চালিয়েছে, সরকারী পদে এসে সরকারের হয়ে গণ নিপীড়ন চালিয়েছে। দেশ ও জনগণ কি তাদের হাতে নিরাপদ? দায়বদ্ধতা না থাকলে রাষ্ট্রযন্ত্র কি আগের মতোই দমন-পীড়নের ঘাঁটি হয়ে থাকবে?
Government officials are entrusted with the responsibility to serve the public impartially, regardless of the political affiliation or socioeconomic status of citizens. As public servants, their authority depends on public trust, integrity, and adherence to the rule of law. However, serious questions are being raised about the government employees, who were previously involved in political violence and became complicit in state-led repression and crackdown on student protesters during the July 2024 movement. Although the Sheikh Hasina regime has since collapsed, a significant number of collaborators and loyalists—particularly those appointed to influential roles—remained in public service. This lingering presence raises a troubling question: should the citizens of Bangladesh feel safe when such individuals continue to hold positions of public authority? Many ordinary citizens, activists, and members of former opposition parties still fear retaliation or denial of service when engaging with state institutions.This article highlights the past actions of such officials, which sparked widespread public reactions.
The issue is not abstract. Reports and testimonies reveal a disturbing pattern: those implicated in campus violence, political intimidation, and human rights violations have secured positions of public trust in education, administration, and national security. Their continued influence raises doubts about their suitability to serve impartially and stokes fears that they may continue fulfilling the political agendas of the fallen Awami League regime, to which many were closely affiliated.
A growing body of evidence shows that individuals linked to serious violence and atrocities under the Awami League's rule now hold influential positions across the state—ranging from government offices to security agencies. Though many have not been formally convicted, this should not be seen as proof of innocence. Rather, it reflects a system where victims feared retaliation and police routinely refused to register complaints against regime loyalists, creating a culture of impunity.
It is deeply concerning that the current interim government, led by Professor Younus, has not only retained but promoted many officials implicated in human rights violations under the previous regime. Two critical issues have been overlooked: many victims and families refrained from filing cases due to fear, and law enforcement often declined to act against regime loyalists. Now, in the regime’s aftermath, long-delayed cases are finally emerging—revealing how many individuals may have escaped background checks and now occupy powerful state roles.
Consider the case of Tanzil Rahman, a former Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) student who was brutally tortured on September 21, 2014, by fellow student Protik Dutta—allegedly in the presence of faculty. Despite years of effort, Tanzil only managed to file a case in February 2025. Meanwhile, Dutta now serves as Assistant Commissioner (Land) in Kotalipara Upazila, wielding considerable authority over public affairs. This case clearly shows how legal actions against perpetrators and collaborators of the former Sheikh Hasina regime remains a significant challenge.
These challenges are not merely about individual misconduct—they reflect a deeper system of institutional capture. The fallen regime cultivated a network of loyalty and impunity, embedding alleged perpetrators of violence into critical government positions. Many of these individuals were affiliated with AL’s student wing, who carried out brutal assaults on fellow students to prove their allegiance, often with the implicit promise of lucrative public sector jobs. These individuals now serve in roles that involve close interaction with ordinary citizens, students, and even children. Given this context, the question becomes urgent: should we feel safe?
What are the risks?
The dangers are not hypothetical. Individuals like Protik Dutta have reportedly continued using their political connections to wield power unjustly. Allegations against him include land-related biases, misuse of authority and force, and even attacks on journalists. His case reveals a systemic pipeline: politically motivated violence during student life is often rewarded with powerful government positions. These appointments also extend the former regime’s control through batch-based administrative associations—such as the 36th Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) cadre association—where only Awami League loyalists hold the leadership roles. Each civil service batch has its own association, and many function as internal fiefdoms aligned with party interests. These networks marginalize opposition supporters and reportedly manipulate access to public services, further entrenching partisan control within state institutions.
How severe is the situation?
A U.S.-based human rights organization, Socchar-Torture Watchdog Bangladesh, has documented stories of disturbing campus tortures and political violence. Their eye-opening reports show that many perpetrators of campus torture—often former activists of the now-banned Awami League student wing—have successfully integrated into critical sectors of society.
According to Socchar’s documentation, a torturer of former Dhaka University student Sanaullah is now a primary school teacher. Another holds the post of Assistant Professor at Jagannath University, and a third serves as a Director within the National Security Intelligence (NSI). These appointments reveal how systematic abuse was not only tolerated but seemingly rewarded by the previous regime. One of the most alarming cases is that of Aminul Hoque Polash, who allegedly tortured K.I.M. Iqbal during his student years. Today, Polash is a director of National Security Intelligence (NSI) and was previously the convenor of the BUET branch of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL)—now classified as a terrorist organization. Similar patterns can be observed in the cases of those who tortured Kamal; they now serve as a Dhaka University professor, an NSI director, and officers in the National Board of Revenue, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the land administration.
Such individuals, accused of acts tantamount to crimes against humanity, are now in roles requiring empathy, fairness, and public trust—traits starkly absent from their documented pasts. Their continued presence in government is not incidental; it reflects a broader, deliberate embedding of political loyalists within the state. The question must now be asked with urgency: are our citizens, students, and children truly safe under the authority of such individuals?
What actions can we take?
According to The Socchar website, crimes involving political torture and abuse are punishable under existing law. Section 307 of the Bangladesh Penal Code prescribes life imprisonment for attempted murder; Section 325 provides for at least seven years’ imprisonment and a fine for causing grievous harm. Teachers or public officials who aided or failed to prevent these acts may also face penalties under Sections 115, 116, and 119 for negligence of duty and complicity.
These laws must be enforced without delay. A transparent and independent investigation into the allegations is imperative. Pending the outcome of such inquiries, individuals credibly accused should be placed on administrative leave, especially those tied to the now-banned BCL. Continued inaction only emboldens impunity.
At the same time, civil society, human rights organizations, and the media must play an active role in identifying these individuals and raising public awareness of the risks they pose. Public institutions must not become sanctuaries for those who once perpetrated, facilitated, or shielded violence against dissenters.
Positions of public trust should never be occupied by those with credible histories of abuse, coercion, or criminal misconduct. Citizens deserve a government built on accountability, not fear. If justice is not pursued and accountability is not enforced, the institutions meant to serve the people will remain compromised—and the cost of that failure will fall heaviest on the most vulnerable among us.
Author Bio:
ZM Talha is a U.S.-based data scientist interested in the political and economic development of Bangladesh. He brings fresh perspectives to issues of political reform, exploring how the diaspora, politics, economy, and media interact to shape the nation's future. He can be reached at ztalha149@gmail.com
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect The Insighta's editorial stance. However, any errors in the stated facts or figures may be corrected if supported by verifiable evidence.
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