Sheikh Mujib’s Bengali Nationalism and the CHT Crisis: Reconciliation Through Inclusive Nation-building

The CHT crisis began when the 1972 Constitution imposed the non-inclusive Bengali nationalism, ignoring the country’s rich ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity.

স্বাধীনতা-উত্তর বাংলাদেশে শেখ মুজিব সরকারের অদূরদৃষ্টি-সম্পন্ন সিদ্ধান্তের ফসল হচ্ছে আজকের পার্বত্য চট্টগ্রামের সংকট। আমাদের জাতিগত, ভাষাগত, এবং সাংস্কৃতিকভাবে সমৃদ্ধ বৈচিত্র্যকে উপেক্ষা করে ১৯৭২-এর সংবিধানে অন্তর্ভুক্তিমূলক নীতি গ্রহণের পরিবর্তে বাঙালি জাতীয়তা চাপিয়ে দেয়া হয়েছিল, যা এই সংকটের সূচনা করে। যেকোন সমস্যা সমাধানের আগে সমস্যাটির কারণ উপলদ্ধি করা ও তা স্বীকার করে সমাধানের পথে আগানো প্রয়োজন।

Photo Illustration by The Insighta

The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) crisis remains one of Bangladesh's most contentious and unresolved issues. This crisis not merely results from a political neglect but originates from the foundational decisions made by the government in the early years following Bangladesh’s independence. The 1972 Constitution, written under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, gave Bangladesh’s citizens an identity solely as "Bengalis," overlooking the rich ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity of the population. This policy of forced homogenization—combined with the concentration of political power in Dhaka, economic neglect of peripheral regions, and lack of representation for ethnic minorities—laid the groundwork for decades of insurgency, marginalization, and mistrust in the CHT. A sober reevaluation of these historical missteps is essential to chart a path toward lasting peace within the country and the region.

The Roots of the Crisis

The 1972 Constitution, under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's leadership, defined the national identity of Bangladesh's citizens solely as 'Bengali,' centered on the language of the major ethnic group. This narrow definition overlooked the ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity of the population. The non-Bengali tribes or ethnic groups of the CHT—the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Mru, Tanchainghya, Bom, Khumi, Lusai, and other smaller groups—found themselves excluded and marginalized in a land they have lived in for hundreds of years.

Manabendra Narayan Larma, a prominent leader of the Chakma people and member of the Constituent Assembly, vehemently opposed this definition. Larma’s plea for recognizing the distinct identities of the CHT’s people fell on deaf ears. Mujib’s response—“You are Bengali; you must accept it”—was emblematic of the government’s shortsightedness. By attempting to homogenize the country’s diverse ethnic landscape, the leadership sowed the seeds of discontent that later erupted into insurgency.

The slogan "Ami ke? Tumi ke? Bangali, Bangali" (Who am I? Who are you? Bengali, Bengali) emerged as a rallying cry for national unity. However, while appealing to the majority, this slogan alienated those who did not identify themselves as Bengali. National identity should have been framed to celebrate diversity, acknowledging the multi-ethnic fabric of Bangladesh that includes various ethnic communities—speakers of Urdu, Hindi, Chakma, Marma and other languages—as well as religious diversity encompassing Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims.

Insurgency and Militarization

The exclusionary policies of the 1972 Constitution and the refusal to acknowledge the distinct identity of the ethnic minority of the CHT led to the establishment of the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) and its armed wing Shanti Bahini in 1972, which demanded greater autonomy for the region. Over the following two decades, the CHT became the center of a violent insurgency that resulted in loss of life and intensified mistrust between the state and the region’s ethnic minorities.

President Ziaur Rahman, who assumed power after the fall of Sheikh Mujib, recognized the critical need for a more inclusive national identity that could accommodate the diverse ethnic and cultural fabric of Bangladesh. To address the CHT crisis and other regional disparities, Zia replaced the narrow concept of "Bengali nationalism" with a broader, more inclusive notion of "Bangladeshi nationalism”- a concept that recognizes all citizens of Bangladesh, regardless of their ethnicity, language, or religion, as integral part of the nation. Zia outlined the differences between a Bangladeshi and a Bengali in a speech in 1978- “Bangladeshi nationalism means we are Bangladeshi. We have a different history. Our traditions, cultures, languages, and geographical positions are different. Today a consciousness has grown among our people, which is different from that of the people of our neighboring country. Bangladeshis are different from the Bengalis of India and so are their culture and language. We are molding it in our own way.” This shift aimed at acknowledging the pluralistic nature of the country, one that could embrace the ethnic minorities of the CHT and the diverse linguistic and religious communities.

Zia considered lack of economic development, poor infrastructure, and primitive mode of cultivation the major reasons for the insurgency. To control the insurgency while promoting development and fostering regional integration, Zia’s government initiated a khas land (government-owned) distribution program for the poor Bengalis and focused on infrastructure and economic development for the region. He hoped to improve the livelihood of economically disadvantaged communities and increase the region's diversity and integrity. However, the policy sparked controversy as it led to increased competition for resources and deepened ethnic divisions. While the intention was to foster integration and development, the program fueled tensions between the ethnic groups, complicating efforts for lasting peace in the region.

The Question of Indigenous Status

It is important to clarify the term “indigenous” in the context of Bangladesh. The term "indigenous" carries significant global and political weight, often associated with the historical displacement of native populations by European settlers in regions like the Americas, Australia, and parts of Africa. In Bangladesh, the ethnic minorities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) and other areas are not "indigenous" in this sense. Historical research indicates that the ethnic groups of the CHT, such as the Chakma, Marma, and Tripura, migrated from East Asian regions over centuries, settling in the hill tracts alongside other communities. Their status as ethnic minorities reflects their distinct cultural, linguistic, and social heritage. However, it does not align with the global definition of indigenous peoples who were systematically displaced by settler colonialism.

Despite this distinction, it is imperative to uphold their rights and ensure that they are treated with dignity and equality. The debate over terminology—whether to classify CHT minorities as "Indigenous" or "ethnic minorities"—should not overshadow the broader goal of promoting equity and integration. There is an urgent need to ensure that all ethnic minorities in Bangladesh enjoy equal opportunities, status, and rights as full citizens of the country. The CHT is an integral part of sovereign Bangladesh, and all its inhabitants, including ethnic minorities, are equal citizens under the Constitution. However, the formal recognition of CHT minorities as "indigenous", which is not really the fact, could have significant national and international implications for Bangladesh, potentially altering its obligations under global frameworks and creating new challenges for domestic governance.

The consequences of officially recognizing CHT minorities as indigenous would extend beyond semantics, carrying significant political, social, and economic implications for Bangladesh. Internationally, such recognition could subject the country to obligations under treaties and conventions like the ILO Convention No. 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), requiring extensive policy changes. Domestically, it could intensify land rights disputes in the CHT, potentially leading to demands for land restitution and resource control by the recognized groups. This could exacerbate tensions with the Bengali population living there. Furthermore, such recognition might embolden separatist or autonomy-seeking movements, straining national unity while exposing Bangladesh to a greater scrutiny from international human rights bodies. Balancing these demands with the aspirations of ethnic minorities and the broader national interest, while preventing conflict and maintaining stability, would require careful and inclusive governance.

The Way Forward

The CHT crisis underscores the need for a comprehensive, inclusive approach to nation-building. The following steps are crucial for resolving the long-standing grievances of the CHT and fostering a truly unified Bangladesh:

1. Recognizing the Mistakes Made by Mujib: First and foremost, it is crucial to understand and acknowledge the historical mistakes, particularly the exclusionary policies and the failure to recognize the distinct identities of the CHT's people, made by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's government to design effective and inclusive solutions.

2. Reassessment of the 1997 Peace Accord: The CHT Peace Accord, signed during Sheikh Hasina’s government, has faced criticism because it was incomplete and failed to resolve critical issues such as land disputes and ownership, effective empowerment of local councils, equitable development, and ensuring a respectful status for all ethnic groups. A comprehensive reassessment of the accord is essential to identify shortcomings, engage all stakeholders, and create a more inclusive and effective framework that addresses both historical injustices and the practical needs of the CHT’s diverse communities. This re-evaluation should aim to build trust, promote cooperation, and establish lasting stability in the region.

3. Inclusive Nation-building and Cultural Preservation: Foster a sense of belonging among all citizens of Bangladesh by promoting an inclusive national identity that acknowledges and celebrates the country's ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity. The government should promote the cultural heritage of all ethnic communities in Bangladesh, ensuring that their languages, traditions, and identities are respected and celebrated.

4. Equitable Development: Prioritize the economic development and infrastructural improvement of the CHT, focusing on the needs of the local communities and ensuring equitable distribution of resources. Land disputes should be resolved through transparent, participatory processes that respect the rights of every citizen.

5. Banning Communal Slogans: Prohibit the use of communal slogans like "Ami ke? Tumi ke? Bangali, Bangali," which creates tension and an exclusionary national identity. Replace such slogans with messages that promote unity and respect for diversity.

6. Revisiting the Constitution: The Constitution must recognize Bangladesh as a multiethnic, multireligious, and multilingual nation. Citizenship should be defined as equality and inclusivity rather than cultural or linguistic homogeneity. The 1972 Constitution did significant and permanent harm to Bangladesh by enforcing a non-inclusive national identity. It is not wise to advocate for a return to this constitution, as doing so ignores the country's ethnic diversity and hinders efforts toward peace. Those who seek to revert to the 1972 Constitution are essentially opposing the pursuit of an inclusive and peaceful nation.

7. Dialogue and Reconciliation: Building trust between the state and the ethnic minorities of CHT requires open dialogue and genuine efforts to address historical grievances. This can be facilitated through community engagement, inclusive decision-making processes, and conflict resolution mechanisms. National unity must be based on mutual respect and recognition of diversity.

8. Educational Initiatives: Implement educational programs that promote understanding and appreciation of the diverse cultural heritage of Bangladesh, fostering a more inclusive and harmonious society.

Conclusion

The CHT crisis highlights the dangers of imposing a singular national identity on a diverse population. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's vision of Bengali nationalism, rooted in the independence struggle, overlooked the multi-ethnic realities of Bangladesh. President Zia's pivot to Bangladeshi nationalism was a step in the right direction, despite introducing its own challenges. Bangladesh must embrace its diversity as a strength, ensuring that all citizens, regardless of ethnicity or religion, are treated with dignity and equality. A new peace accord should address long standing grievances by guaranteeing political representation for CHT communities, resolving land disputes transparently and fairly, and promoting economic integration through targeted development programs. This approach would not only uphold the rights of ethnic minorities but also foster a more inclusive and peaceful society. Only then can the nation achieve true unity and peace.

While addressing the grievances of the ethnic minorities in the CHT, it is equally important to ensure that Bengalis living in the region also have their rights protected. As citizens of a unified Bangladesh, they, too, should have access to safety, land security, and equal opportunities, fostering coexistence and mutual respect among all communities.

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About the Author:

Sibbir Ahmad is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Department of Economics at the University of Virginia. He can be reached at sibbirahmad520@gmail.com

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Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect The Insighta's editorial stance. However, any errors in the stated facts or figures may be corrected if supported by verifiable evidence.