New Political Initiative in Bangladesh: For Whom?
The biggest challenge for student-led movements is making a proper transition from their activism to structured politics. They will face opposition from both BNP and Jamaat.
বাংলাদেশে নতুন রাজনৈতিক উদ্যোগ কি অন্য রাজনৈতিক দলগুলোর মতোই হবে, নাকি এটি নতুন কোনো উদাহরণ তৈরি করবে? অ্যাক্টিভিজম থেকে সংগঠিত রাজনৈতিক দলে রূপান্তরিত হওয়া ছাত্রনেতৃত্বাধীন আন্দোলনের সবচেয়ে বড় চ্যালেঞ্জ। তারা বিএনপি ও জামায়াত—উভয়ের বিরোধিতার সম্মুখীন হবে। প্রাথমিকভাবে তারা জামায়াতের পরোক্ষ সমর্থন পেলেও এটি দীর্ঘস্থায়ী হওয়ার সম্ভাবনা কম।
The formation of new political parties in Bangladesh is not a recent phenomenon. Since the country's independence, major shifts in power have led to the creation of new political parties, starting with the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) in 1972, led by Serajul Alam Khan. Over time, other parties, notably the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jatiya Party (JP), emerged from distinct political conditions. However, unlike JSD, both BNP and JP were established under direct state patronage.
According to the Bangladesh Election Commission, there are currently 48 registered political parties, excluding Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI). Only a handful among them have historically been the most prominent and widely discussed. These parties, each rooted in distinct ideologies, attempted to secure public mandates either individually or through strategic alliances. However, none have met public expectations in building a prosperous nation, nor have they succeeded in cultivating a widely respected and sustainable political culture that transcends partisan politics.
In this context, would the upcoming political initiative merely follow the footsteps of the prior parties, or could it introduce a new era of politics in Bangladesh—one that would resonate with the aspirations of the Generation Z (Gen-Z)? This article critically scrutinizes the prospect of the new political parties by looking at the current landscape and ideological positions of the notable political parties.
Bangladesh Awami League
The Awami Muslim League was renamed as the Awami League (AL) in 1953, dropping the word Muslim from its name to reflect a secular sentiment. The party later played the leading role in Bangladesh’s War of Independence in 1971, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took the office as the newly formed country’s first prime minister on January 13, 1972 and later in March 1973 through a landslide victory in the country’s first general election.
During his tenure between 1972 and 1975, Sheikh Mujib and his party became increasingly controversial due to two key decisions: the formation of a paramilitary force named Rakkhi Bahini and the imposition of a one-party system under Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL). Rakkhi Bahini soon became notorious for its utmost brutality and Sheikh Mujib’s shift toward authoritarian rule fueled widespread public outrage against his government. He was then killed through a military coup in August 1975.
After his death, Mujib’s daughter Sheikh Hasina led the party but continued—and even intensified—her father’s legacy of political repression, especially between 2009 until being ousted in 2024. Hasina’s rule was stained by unchecked corruption, violence, rape, and murders. According to media sources, at least 2,699 people were extrajudicially murdered, along with hundreds of enforced mass disappearances of opposition leaders and activists. She also manipulated elections by barring main opponents from contesting. Widespread corruption, repression, and human rights abuses made her government utterly unpopular, culminating in the July-August Revolution of 2024, when people from all walks of life rose against the Awami regime. More than 1,500 protesters, including students and ordinary citizens, were shot dead by Sheikh Hasina’s forces. Ultimately, Al could not set any example of good governance and pro-people politics.
At present, AL remains one of the most discredited political parties in Bangladesh, with diminishing public support. This party was also a reason for the emergence of a new political party, the JSD.
Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD)
After Bangladesh’s independence, the left-wing political party Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) was formed by prominent leaders Serajul Alam Khan, M.A. Jalil, ASM Abdur Rab, and Shajahan Siraj, who broke away from the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Awami League. The party aimed to establish a socialist state and was highly active in opposing corruption and repression under the then-AL government.
Despite its vocal opposition to Sheikh Mujib’s administration, JSD secured only one seat while contesting 237 constituencies in the 1973 election. However, it quickly became the primary opposition force and frequently clashed with Rakkhi Bahini and law enforcement agencies, leading to the arrests and killings of many JSD leaders and activists. In response, the party established a paramilitary wing and covert military cells with the goal of overthrowing the government. Lt. Col. Abu Taher, who played a role in multiple coups and counter-coups, commanded these forces.
JSD, once a significant leftist movement, fractured in the 1980s and lost its influence. Today, the party—now led by Hasanul Haque Inu—is one of several leftist factions with minimal public support. Interestingly, after Sheikh Mujib killing, JSD could not be a leading political force, which created a political vacuum in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)
After Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s assassination on Aug. 15, 1975, Bangladesh’s military plunged into turmoil with coups and counter-coups. Amid this instability, Lt. Gen. Ziaur Rahman was appointed army chief on August 25, 1975, and wielded immense power under martial law imposed by the Justice Sayem’s government. He later became president in 1977.
In February 1978, Zia founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), establishing nationalism as its core ideology. Through the Fifth Amendment, he reinstated a multi-party political system and expanded freedom of speech. However, allegations persist that Zia purged the military, imprisoning and executing dissenters, including Lt. Col. Abu Taher. Despite this, he gained popularity for his exceptional leadership, development policies, and foreign diplomacy. His party secured a two-thirds majority in the 1979 election, dominating parliament.
Zia’s rule ended abruptly when he was assassinated in a failed coup on May 30, 1981. A year later, Hussain Muhammad Ershad seized power, toppling BNP. The party later fractured into three factions, but under Begum Khaleda Zia’s leadership, a faction led by Abdus Sattar reunited, solidifying BNP’s position.
Since then, BNP has remained a major political force, winning three elections, though once for a short term. The party is often criticized for lacking a clear ideological foundation, as it welcomes members from diverse backgrounds—a strength and a weakness. However, internal disorganization, weak democratic practices, poor chain of command, and corruption have prevented BNP from being seen as an exemplary center-right party. After BNP, Jatiya Party became a dominant political party in Bangladesh.
Jatiya Party (JP)
Hussain Muhammad Ershad, who seized power through a military coup in 1982, formed the JP in January 1986 as a state-led centrist party. Former leaders and activists from the AL, BNP, and left-wing parties joined JP. The party contested two national elections, in 1986 and 1988, securing easy victories. However, allegations of massive vote rigging tainted both elections.
Following a mass movement led by BNP, AL, and BJI, Ershad was forced to resign and later imprisoned in 1990. Bangladesh then transitioned from military rule to democracy in 1991, with all major political parties participating in the national election. JP secured 35 seats, emerging as the third-largest political party at the time.
However, JP’s popularity declined over time, maintaining influence mainly in Rangpur Division, Ershad’s birthplace. The party further weakened after splitting into multiple factions—the Ershad group, Anwar Hossain Manju group, and Naziur Rahman Manju group—in 1999, 2001, and 2005, respectively.
Today, JP has minimal national influence, resembling some left-wing parties that have more leaders than active supporters. More importantly, it lacks the strength to contest a national election as a significant standalone party. Even, the party has no practice of any standard political ideology to make them unique in the political arena. In this regard, Jamaat-e-Islami is different.
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI)
Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in 1941 by Islamic scholar Abul Ala Maududi as a social organization advocating for societal change based on Islamic values. Over time, it evolved into a right-wing political party, establishing a new chapter in East Pakistan after the India-Pakistan partition. In 1972, the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman-led interim government banned Jamaat along with other religion-based parties, including the Muslim League and Nezam-e-Islami. During the 1971 Liberation War, Jamaat, like some other Islamic groups, politically sided with Pakistan with the rationale of maintaining the unity of the Muslim state, making it a contested faction in independent Bangladesh.
In 1976, Lt. Gen. Ziaur Rahman, the chief of the martial law, lifted the ban on political parties, later formalized through the Fifth Amendment in 1979. Jamaat’s political resurgence gained momentum during the movement against the Ershad regime. Since 1979, BJI has maintained a consistent support base, securing 5% to 12% of the popular vote in elections. It is often considered as one of Bangladesh’s most democratic and structured political organizations, characterized by a strong chain of command. While BJI was part of the BNP-led four party alliance government from 2001 to 2006, its leaders who were appointed as ministers were not implicated in any major corruption or nepotism allegations during their tenure.
However, the party has faced significant existential challenges when its top leaders were executed for their role in 1971 through controversial judicial trials under the Awami League regime. Despite this, BJI has gained renewed influence following its role in the July-August Revolution of 2024. Now, Jamat’s role in 1971, vision for an Islamic state, and contested stance on women’s empowerment and minority rights have made it one of the most polarizing political entities in Bangladesh. Therefore, it is quite valid to ask: could Jamat be a party of confidence for all?
After the July Revolution, Bangladesh entered a new era where Generation Z aspires to see the country reach new heights, which they believe may not be achievable under the current political leadership.
Space for a New Political Party
Bangladesh’s political landscape can broadly be divided into three ideological groups: leftist, rightist, and centrist. Rightist and centrist parties have historically been more popular. Among left-wing parties, JSD had a significant presence in the 1970s, securing eight seats (4.83% of the vote) in the 1979 election, but today, no leftist party holds a notable support base. Among far-right parties, BJI has consistently drawn 5% to 12% of the vote. Its influence may grow after the July-August Revolution of 2024, though it is unlikely to surpass 20% in the upcoming election. Meanwhile, centrist parties like Jatiya Party lack national influence, retaining control only in select regions.
The center-right BNP and center-left Awami League are expected to dominate the election. If AL participates, it may secure 20% to 25% of the vote, while BNP could secure 30% to 35%. AL faces serious allegations of massive corruption, human rights violations, and anti-democratic party culture, which could lead it to a ban from the next election. The brutal record of Rakkhi Bahini and the bid to sustain only one-party government in the past further weakens AL’s standing. The lack of active presence of AL on the political ground may give BNP a huge benefit that they could earn an overwhelming majority in the next election. In such conditions, a new party might also perform unexpectedly well in the upcoming election, perhaps surpassing the standing of Jamaat.
Even if BJI is considered a structured and disciplined political party, its 1971 role and disputed positions on women’s social mobility and minority rights may limit the party’s broader political appeal. Undeniably, BNP is in a stronger position, particularly for its fame associated with Ziaur Rahman’s leadership; however, the current trends of internal disorganization, ideological ambiguity, and corruption allegations may give a major setback to the party.
Additionally, the ideological stance of these two parties is primarily centered on Islamic values and nationalism, with little emphasis on people's rights. However, the AB Party has begun focusing on rights-based politics. Since the party lacks a historical legacy, its potential to become a major political force remains limited. This leaves room for a new political party to stake its claim in the political landscape. Some other issues could be considered such as socio-cultural factors and challenges of the newly emerging party.
Sociocultural Considerations
Bangladesh’s religious and demographic landscape plays a key role in shaping political dynamics. About 91% of Bangladeshis are Muslim, and 8% are Hindu. While politically diverse, most Bangladeshis hold conservative religious values. Hindus, despite their minority status, wield significant influence due to Indian geopolitical interests and international advocacy groups.
Beyond religion, remittance workers, garment laborers, farmers, tea garden workers, and fishing communities are critical to the country’s economy and social structure. Given this backdrop, a new political party could emerge as a middle ground between BNP and BJI—more liberal than BJI, but more structured than BNP—with a clear position on issues like women’s empowerment, minority rights, anti-corruption, and integration of the marginalized groups in its political, organizational process. To gain public trust, new political party must establish a clear agenda and build a strong, sustainable organizational structure that promotes an inclusive social and political vision while drawing lessons from history.
Learning from History
Student leaders from the July-August Revolution have gained public support for their fight and sacrifice against Awami oppression. Their anti-discrimination and anti-corruption stance has strengthened their political appeal. Further, their name and face recognition gives them an added advantage. However, history makes it clear that celebratory figures often lose their democratic track. Sheikh Mujib who was once revered turned autocratic, ultimately leading him to an end on August 15, 1975. His daughter, Sheikh Hasina, met a similar destiny on August 5, 2024. This should set a powerful moral for the emerging political leaders from the recent movement that popularity alone does not guarantee a long political life.
The biggest challenge for student-led movements is transitioning from activism to structured politics. They will face opposition from BNP and BJI, and while they may initially receive indirect support from BJI, this won’t last long. Historically, JSD, which broke from Chhatra League, ended up clashing with AL and Rakkhi Bahini. Likewise, Gono Odhikar Parishad, led by Nurul Haque Nur, once drew attention has almost faded from the dominant political spectrum.
Challenges for a Student-Led Political Party
As more and more groups, including the July student leaders, are inclined to to launch new political parties, they need to address several key challenges:
Establishing a structured hierarchy—Leadership and Chain of Command.
Defining a clear ideological stance—Mission and Vision Alignment.
Ensuring consistency in words and credibility in actions—Spokesperson and Fact-Checking.
Securing legal safeguards and gaining international support—Legal Backing and Foreign Relations.
Developing transparent funding mechanisms—Financial Sustainability.
Strengthening alliances to tackle detrimental narratives—Civil Society and Media Engagement.
To succeed, student leaders must transition from activism to structured politics, institutionalizing their movement with discipline and strategic planning. Their future depends not just on popular support but on building a credible, lasting political force.
About the Author:
Jamal Uddin, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Communication at Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA. He is a former journalist from Bangladesh, and his scholarship and research interests focus on media, health, and politics. He can be reached at jamalus2014@gmail.com
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect The Insighta's editorial stance. However, any errors in the stated facts or figures may be corrected if supported by verifiable evidence. | A guest post by
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